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Adverse selection

Why does optimizing to the average buy the bottom?

Akerlof (1970)

George A. Akerlof, "The Market for 'Lemons': Quality Uncertainty and the Market Mechanism," Quarterly Journal of Economics 84, no. 3 (1970): 488–500. doi:10.2307/1879431

What it found

When buyers can't see quality, they pay only for average quality. Sellers of good units then withdraw, leaving "an adverse selection of low-quality goods, the lemons" (as summarized in the Nobel committee's 2001 scientific background).

Why it matters

One blended price or bid draws in the worst slice of applicants, vendors and leads.

Read our explainer

Arrow (1963)

Kenneth J. Arrow, "Uncertainty and the Welfare Economics of Medical Care," American Economic Review 53, no. 5 (1963): 941–973. Full text

What it found

Where vocabulary such as moral hazard begins. Arrow warns that rivals offering "lower premiums to preferred risks" leave a plan that doesn't discriminate "with only an adverse selection of them."

Why it matters

The cream-skimming problem, named in 1963. If you don't sort, a competitor will sort for you.

Rothschild & Stiglitz (1976)

Michael Rothschild and Joseph Stiglitz, "Equilibrium in Competitive Insurance Markets: An Essay on the Economics of Imperfect Information," Quarterly Journal of Economics 90, no. 4 (1976): 629–649. doi:10.2307/1885326

What it found

Insurers screen with a menu: full cover at a high price that attracts high risks, and a cheaper policy with a deductible that attracts low risks. A single pooled price can't survive, because a rival can "cream-skim" the low risks.

Why it matters

Tiers and commitments sort customers. One flat offer invites competitors to take your best ones.

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Stiglitz & Weiss (1981)

Joseph E. Stiglitz and Andrew Weiss, "Credit Rationing in Markets with Imperfect Information," American Economic Review 71, no. 3 (1981): 393–410. IDEAS

What it found

Raising the interest rate attracts riskier borrowers and changes how borrowers behave, so "it may be optimal for banks to ration the volume of loans instead of raising the lending rate" (as summarized in the Nobel committee's 2001 scientific background).

Why it matters

The terms you set decide who applies. Loosening terms to clear more volume can lower the quality of the book.

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Cutler & Reber (1998)

David M. Cutler and Sarah J. Reber, "Paying for Health Insurance: The Trade-Off between Competition and Adverse Selection," Quarterly Journal of Economics 113, no. 2 (1998): 433–466. doi:10.1162/003355398555649

What it found

When Harvard switched to contributing the same amount to every employee health plan, competition "reduced Harvard's premiums by 5 to 8 percent," but adverse selection caused "a welfare loss of 2 to 4 percent of baseline spending." Einav and Finkelstein call it "an empirical case study of a death spiral"; a companion chapter (Cutler and Zeckhauser) reports the generous plan disappeared "within three years."

Why it matters

A real death spiral. Flat pricing plus free choice sorts the costliest customers into your richest offer.

Einav & Finkelstein (2011)

Liran Einav and Amy Finkelstein, "Selection in Insurance Markets: Theory and Empirics in Pictures," Journal of Economic Perspectives 25, no. 1 (2011): 115–138. doi:10.1257/jep.25.1.115

What it found

Adverse selection "exists in some insurance markets but not in others." Some markets show advantageous selection, where the most eager buyers are the most careful and cheapest to serve.

Why it matters

The counterpoint: adverse selection isn't everywhere, and sometimes the most eager buyers are the best. Measure it in your own book. It's also the clearest one-chart picture of the mechanism.

Ausubel (1999)

Lawrence M. Ausubel, "Adverse Selection in the Credit Card Market," working paper, University of Maryland (1999). PDF

What it found

From randomized mail solicitations, "respondents to solicitations are substantially worse credit risks than nonrespondents," and people who accept inferior offers are "significantly more likely to default," even after controlling for everything the issuer knew.

Why it matters

Response rate isn't quality. The worse the offer, the worse the responders.

Note. An unpublished working paper. A peer-reviewed study found the same pattern (Agarwal, Chomsisengphet and Liu, 2010).

Agarwal, Chomsisengphet & Liu (2010)

Sumit Agarwal, Souphala Chomsisengphet and Chunlin Liu, "The Importance of Adverse Selection in the Credit Card Market: Evidence from Randomized Trials of Credit Card Solicitations," Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 42, no. 4 (2010): 743–754. doi:10.1111/j.1538-4616.2010.00305.x

What it found

People who respond to "inferior solicitation offers have poorer credit quality attributes" and "are significantly more likely to default ex post."

Why it matters

A peer-reviewed study with the same finding: offer design selects the customer.

Karlan & Zinman (2009)

Dean Karlan and Jonathan Zinman, "Observing Unobservables: Identifying Information Asymmetries with a Consumer Credit Field Experiment," Econometrica 77, no. 6 (2009): 1993–2008. doi:10.3982/ECTA5781

What it found

58,000 randomized offers from a South African lender separated who signs up from how they behave afterwards. The study found "strong evidence of moral hazard and weaker evidence of hidden information"; "perhaps 13% to 21% of default is due to moral hazard."

Why it matters

Terms change behavior after the sale, not just who buys. Don't blame everything on selection.

Adams, Einav & Levin (2009)

William Adams, Liran Einav and Jonathan Levin, "Liquidity Constraints and Imperfect Information in Subprime Lending," American Economic Review 99, no. 1 (2009): 49–84. doi:10.1257/aer.99.1.49

What it found

At a subprime auto lender, demand is "highly sensitive to down-payment requirements," "default rates rise significantly with loan size," and "higher-risk borrowers demand larger loans."

Why it matters

Two signals in one paper. The size of the ask carries information, and a down payment works as a screen.

Hendren (2013)

Nathaniel Hendren, "Private Information and Insurance Rejections," Econometrica 81, no. 5 (2013): 1713–1762. doi:10.3982/ECTA10931

What it found

Applicants insurers reject hold enough private information "to explain a complete absence of trade" in long-term care, disability and life insurance.

Why it matters

Some segments can't be served profitably at any price, and turning them away is rational. Not every "no" is a lost sale.

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